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The establishment of a system of society based upon the common 
ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for 
producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of society 
as a whole. 


The Companion Parties of Socialism hold: 

a That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the meana 

of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, 
and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth 
is produced. 
^ That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself 

as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce, and those who 
produce but do not possess. 
t That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working 

class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the com- 
mon property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their demo- 
cratic control by the whole people. 
4 That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the la* class to 

achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve ttoe 
emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex. 
c That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself. 
V That as the machinery of government, including the aimed forces of the nation. 

exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken 
from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically ***» 
conquest of the powers of government, in order that this machinery, including w& 
forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipa- 
tion and overthrow of plutocratic privilege. 
7 That as political parties are but the expression of class Interests, and as 

interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interest of 
sections of the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must 
hostile to every other parly. -riitical 

o __THE COMPANION PARTIES OP SOCIALISM, therefore, enter the field of P°Jj~v| 

action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether »iw^ 
labor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon all members of the working daw "-^ 
countries to support these principles to the end that a termination niayte^ 
to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poven* 
give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom. ^arH, &01M 
Those agreeing with the above principles and desiring enrollment in the Party ^^ 
apply for Application for Membership from the se&y of nearest local or the ff» - 

These six parties adhere to the same Socialist Principles: ^^^. 

SOCIALIST PARTY OP AUSTRALIA - P.O. Box 1440. Melbourne. Auw 

Sydney, Australia, Box 2291, GPO. ^^ Canada 

SOCIALIST PARTY OP CANADA — P. O. Box 115, Winnipeg, M * n fJ~J on gw. *■ 
SOCIALIST PARTY OP GREAT BRITAIN — 52 Clapham High 8L, ^"^j^id; 

WORLD SOCIALIST PARTY OP IRELAND— 58 High St. Room 5, BsM •* 1 ** °" ^(p. 
WORLD SOCIALIST PARTY OF U. S.— 11 Faneuil Hall Sq., Boston, was . 




No. 4-1966 
Vol. 33— No. 252 





AUG i 


WW I & WW II Manifestoes MARY 

Banning in Canada 


v - 


" ■: 

f& and our companion parties have kept burning the 

of a new society. We have always maintained that 

Cage in any struggle short of the struggle for a class- 

'ageless society is to engage in chasing rainbows and 

at windmills. 




A Milestone in Our History 

This issue of The Western Socialist 
features the Fiftieth Anniversary of 
the founding of the World Socialist 
Party of the United States. Fifty 
years is just about two generations 
and even if socialism seems to be a 
long way from gaining a foothold 
in the world of today we still feel a 
sense of pride that the WSP has 
weathered the storms and vicissitudes 
of socialist activities during the 
period of our existence, including 
two world wars. 

Coincidentally, this Anniversary 
Issue also finds us about to move 
into a new and better headquarters. 
We had been notified by registered 
mail to vacate our premises within 
30 days. The building has been taken 
over by eminent domain by the Bos- 
ton Redevelopment Authority — ■ the 
Government agency for the creation 
of the "New Boston." The demolition 
of the buildings in the area is to be 
started in early August. 

We are taking possession of our 
new headquarters on August 1, 1966. 
It is in a newly- renovated building 
with a newly-installed automatic 
elevator. It is in an ideal location. 
It is near such cultural centers as 
museums, universities and Symphony 
Hall, an area that is a hive of 
student activities. 

Visitors from Boston environs and 
from everywhere else are welcomed 
to the pleasant and attractive atmo- 
sphere of our new headquarters in 
the Gainsborough Building, 295 
Huntington Ave., Boston, Mass. 02115. 
Let us hope that the response of 
those who would struggle with us for 
a sane world — a world without 
capitalism and wars — will enable 
us to move to still larger quarters in 


Subscriptions, donations, articles and cor- 
respondence for insertion in The Western 
Socialist should be addressed to the World 
Socialist Party, 295 Huntington Avenue, 
Boston, Mass. 02115, or Socialist Party of 
Canada, P. O. Box 115, Winnipeg, Man. 


6 issues $1.00 

15 issues . $2.00 

Lifetime Sub $15.00 

Bundle rates (in lots of 10 or more) 

per issue 10^ per copy 

the not-too-distant future. Thti 
this move will prove to be a milestorf' 
in our growth. ' e 

National Administrative Commute 
WSP, Boston Local, WSP. " e > 

From Our War Manifesto 
May, 1917 

... We point, also, to the fact that 
there is nothing in the announced 
proposals of any of the; belligerents 
which will insure peace after this 
war. The same causes will be oper- 
ative while capitalism lasts, nor ij 
there any assurance that the effects 
of these causes can be avoided by any 
plan of federation, disarmament 
etc., even if those plans are carried 
out. In this connection we advise 
the workers to watch closely the trend 
of commercial rivalry between various 
nations, after this war, particularly 
those nations just entering on a 
period of industrial and commercial 

As for the workers, their position is 
clear. Their exploitation under Cap- 
italism stands at one end of the 
chain of causes leading to war, and 
therefore leads directly to their des- 
truction in war. 

We, therefore, re-assert that the 
question of peace is bound up in the 
ending of exploitation. We realize 
that a never ceasing struggle goes on 
between the two principal factions in 
capitalist society — i.e., the working 
class and the capitalist class — one 
to increase the portion they receive, 
of what they produce; the other to 
abstract as much wealth as possible 
from the workers and so decrease the 
workers' portion. This struggle we 
call the Class Struggle, the highest 
expression of which is the organ- 
ization of the workers, consciously 
and politically, for the purpose of 
wresting the political power from the 
hands of the master class, to use it 
to transfer the ownership of the 
means of production to the wealth 
producers — this is the labor problem 
and its only solution. 

Efforts to deal with the effects of 
capitalism, such as anti-conscription 
propaganda, federation of nations, 
(Turn to page 9) 


VOL. 33 


Number 252 

A Glance at the Past 

A Brief History of The World Socialist Party 

The World Socialist Party of the 
U.S., more commonly known as the 
W.S.P., is part of a worldwide move- 
ment of socialists dedicated to replac- 
ing the present capitalist order of 
I society with a new and better society, 
" socialism. The present W.S.P. has 
grown out of the tradition of Marxian 
socialism. Unfortunately, the very 
terms "Marxism" and "socialism" 
have fallen into disrepute because 
they have been appropriated by those 
who stand opposed to everything 
which these terms originally meant. 
The W.S.P. refuses to surrender these 
terms to their distorters. Scientific 
socialism with a wageless, classless, 
moneyless world society remains the 
goal of the W.S.P. 
Around the turn of the last century 
| the essentials of Marxian socialism 
began to be abandoned as a result of 
the frustrations the working class 
movement experienced in its struggle 
tinder adverse social conditions. In 
Great Britain those committed to 
Marxism left Hyndman's Social 
Democratic Federation in 1904 and 
organized the Socialist Party of Great 
Britain, the S.P.G.B. This same 
year also saw the formation of the 
Socialist Party of Canada around 
& core of Marxist members. 
True to their principles of inter- 
lationalism and working class soli- 
ferity, the S.P.G.B. and S.P.C. refused 
to support "their" respective govern- 
ments in the First World War of 
'914-1918. Many of the members 
°f these parties scattered through- 
out the world to avoid conscription. 
^o of these "slackers," as they were 

called, were Moses Baritz and Adolph 
Kohn from the S.P.G.B. Moses Baritz 
was a colorful, flamboyant personality 
who could speak persuasively and 
stimulate action. Adolph Kohn was 
a scholarly, calm complement to 
Baritz who was also adept in com- 
municating the principles of Marxism. 
Both men traveled over North Amer- 
ica as Johnny Appleseeds of social- 
ism. The times were ripe for them. 
The original Marxism of the Social- 
ist Labor Party, largely through the 
influence of Daniel De Leon, had been 
turned into a passion for industrial 
unionism that obscured its principles. 
The growing American social demo- 
cratic group, the Socialist Party of 
America, was a heterogeneous assort- 
ment of confused reformers of every 
stripe and equally confused direct 
actionists. The war administered a 
profound shock to the S.P.A., and 
those of its members whose smat- 
tering of Marxism caused them to 
reconsider the path their party was 
taking, began to look to European 
anti-war Marxists. In particular, the 
Michigan section of the S.P.A. came 
under the influence of the S.P.G.B. 
Detroit, Michigan was the center of 
the auto-industry and the auto work- 
ers suffered an intense exploitation 
that awakened them to the need for 
collective action. 


Into these conditions Moses Baritz 
appeared in Detroit in 1915. He was 
soon lecturing to a study class held 
in Dufneld Hall. Some of those at- 
tending these classes were members 

Page 4 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 


No , 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 5 

of the S.P.A.; others were ordinary 
workers unaffiliated with any or- 
ganization. Still others were S.P.C. 
members who had come to Detroit. 
By 1916 Baritz had moved on, but, 
before leaving, he had brought in 
Adolph Kohn to continue his work. 
The study circle began to see that 
there was a desperate need for a 
political organization to advocate 
real socialism in the U.S. They had 
also received news that a group in 
Toronto, Canada, had organized as 
the Socialist Party of North America 
with the same Declaration of Prin- 
ciples as the S.P.G.B. 

Leaders of the Michigan S. P. A., 
such as John Keracher and Dennis 
Batt, were sympathetic to the "revolu- 
tionary tea drinkers" as the Detroit 
comrades were called, but they 
thought that Marxists should remain 
in the S.P.A. and try to swing it 
toward socialism rather than organize 

However, particularly at the urging 
of Wilfred Gribble and Adolph Kohn, 
the small group finally decided to 
organize. But due to the fact that 
the Detroit group had no well-known 
personalities, and due to their small 
resources, they were unable to make 
effective contacts with other groups 
throughout the U.S. The unfortunate 
result of this was that when on July 
7, 1916, the Socialist Party of the 
U.S. was organized, it consisted en- 
tirely of members from Detroit. The 
lost opportunity to gather and 
educate the various semi-Marxian 
tendencies in the U.S. was never 
regained because the U. S. entry into 
the war and the Bolshevik revolution 
turned these tendencies to other 

A call was issued for a new party 
and at a dramatic meeting of the 
S.P. of A.'s Detroit local, 19 members, 
including Comrade I. Rab, resigned 
in a body. The new party gathered 
only 42 members, but decided to un- 
dertake the long journey toward 
socialism alone. Lawrence Beardsley 
wrote the Party's manifesto and Bill 
Gribble became the first organizer. 
Bill Davenport became its first 
secretary. The famous writer, Jack 

London, received the manifesto ann 
his last public act before his death 
was to resign from the S.P.A. Othe 
than this, the response from outside 
Detroit was negligible. 

However, for a while their influence 
remained strong in Detroit and 
genuine socialist attitudes continued 
to influence the Michigan S.Pa 
The latter founded a new journal 
The Proletarian, in August 1918, and 
The Proletarian adopted the Decla- 
ration of Principles of the S.P.g.b~ 
as its platform. The antireformist 
and antireligious stand of the Mich- 
igan S.P.A. inspired by the S.P.G.B. 
caused them to be expelled by the 
S.P.A. in early 1919. However, by this 
time they had fallen increasingly 
under the influence of the Bolshevik 
revolution, and they united with the 
expelled language federations of the 
S.P.A. to form the Communist Party. 
The Michigan group soon, howeverj 
split from the C.P. and formed the 
Proletarian Party which retained its 
pro-Bolshevik stance while at the 
same time, maintaining its stand 
against reformism. It is unfortunate 
that the W.S.P. was not able to save 
these otherwise valuable socialists 
from their infatuation with the 
Russian social system. 

To return to the S.P.U.S., the new 
group was soon informed that the 
S.P.A. had the name "Socialist Party" 
copyrighted so that a new name would 
have to be selected. The new party 
was then renamed the Workers' 
Socialist Party. 

In April of 1917, the U. S. entered 
the World War and persecution of 
antiwar groups began. Conscription 
threatened even those who remained 
inactive. The party was forced to 
curtail its activities. 

In the midst of the war came the 
Bolshevik revolution. Many harassed 
workers were carried away by false 
hopes of world revolution and turned 
towards the new Russia for inspira- 
tion. Many members of the W. S. P. 
joined the Bolsheviks. On top of this 
came the infamous Palmer Red Raids 
of 1919 when thousands of supposedly 
anti-capitalist workers were arrested. 

Obstacles such as these made it 
* difficult to keep the administrative 
affairs of the party going and it was 
found more practical to carry on as 
rtie Detroit Socialist Educational 
Society. From 1919 the Detroit group 
functioned under this name, and 
passes continued up until 1922. 

The local in Detroit has been 
revived, only to die again on more 
than one occasion through the years. 
At one period during 1950 it was 
strong enough to take over the func- 
tions of the National Headquarters, 
ffhich it maintained for a few years. 
^ present, although there is still a 
relatively large nucleus for an active 
socialist local in Detroit there is no 
functioning local. 


The S.P.A. had thousands of fol- 
lowers in the New York area in the 
1918-1920 period. The S.P.A.'s prize 
corner for open air meetings was the 
area beside the Coney Island Munic- 
ipal Baths. Only the best speakers 
were assigned there for the audience 
always numbered in the hundreds. 
One Sunday afternoon, a short, 
stocky man built like a wrestler 
mounted the speaker's platform and 
held the attention of the audience 
for hours with his message of social- 
ism minus social reformist activity 
and with his emphasis on the need for 
a clear socialist understanding that 
would accept nothing short of the 
\ abolition of capitalism and its replace- 
ment with a society without wages, 
classes, or production for profit. This 
was Moses Baritz. Baritz spoke here 
again, but the S.P.A. officialdom, 
sensing the danger to themselves, 
soon, barred him. It was too late, 
however, since he had already planted 
the seeds of socialism. 

New York had also been a gather- 
ing place of British "refugees" from 
ttie war. Some having arrived by 
courtesy of what was called the 
"Four Winds Fellowship" — a kind 
°f underground movement — espe- 
cially of seamen, to assist the escape 
[tf antiwar Britishers. Some of these 
"refugees" from Great Britain and 

Canada helped found the Socialist 
Educational Society of N. Y. on Jan- 
uary 25, 1921, among them being 
members of the earlier educational 
group in Detroit. Merely as a matter 
of record we note that among these 
founders of the New York S.E.S. 
were: Adolph Kohn, Larry Williams, 
Fred Slater, Harry Carlisle, Alf White 
and Taffey Brown — all of whom 
were of the "refugee" category; there 
were also native New Yorkers and 
other Americans such as C. Davis, S. 
Orner, B. Cosor, I. Davis, L. Kaplan, 
and Scott Frampton. 

The famous American Marxist, 
Louis Boudin (author of Theoretical 
System of Karl Marx) gave lectures 
for the New York S.E.S., although 
he never became a member. Debates 
were held with the S.L.P., outdoor 
meetings were held in Manhattan, 
and a pamphlet, "Socialism and Reli- 
gion," published originally by the 
S.P.G.B., was republished with its 
own foreword by the S. E. S. This 
activity resulted in a steady growth 
in membership during the 1920s in 
New York, while the Detroit S.E.S., 
unfortunately, became inactive by 

In 1929 the party began to publish 
The Socialist, in New York, as its of- 
ficial journal. It was discontinued a 
year later, revived for a brief period 
in 1937 only to fade again. It was 
not until 1939 that the WSP was able 
to merge with a publication that was 
to become a permanent accomplish- 
ment and which is still with us., The 
Western Socialist. 

Local New York had its ups and 
downs through the years, never grow- 
ing to a large membership yet con- 
tinued carrying on valuable social- 
ist work such as street meetings and 
distribution of literature. 1966 finds 
its membership still carrying on — 
a few new and younger faces mingled 
with some of the early members. The 
Party Conference of 1966 will, no 
doubt, see the same dedicated N. Y. 
comrades — with perhaps some new 
ones — making the journey to Bos- 
ton as they have done in so many 
previous conferences. 


Page 6 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 

1966 No- 4 ~ 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 7 


The seeds of socialism, next sprouted 
in Boston. In 1921, Comrade I. Rab 
moved from Detroit to Boston and 
immediately began propagating Marx- 
ism. For years he worked tirelessly 
until 1926, when his first recruit, 
Fred Jacobs, was gained. Later, his 
work with a boys club and a science 
club began to bear fruit and several 
young men became socialists. 

In 1929 the S.E.S. was reorganized 
as the Workers' Socialist Party, with 
locals in New York and Boston. 

During the Depression years the 
membership grew until it became the 
largest and most active group within 
the W.S.P. In fact, outside of the 
Communist Party, Boston Local of 
the W.S.P. was without doubt the 
most active and widely-known of the 
organizations professing to be Marx- 
ist in New England. And with the 
W.S.P. there was more than mere 
professions. Consider the following 
record: During the decade of the 
Thirties Boston Local had something 
going on nearly every night in the 
week and on Sunday afternoons had 
regular open-air meetings on the 
Charles St. Mall of Boston Com- 
mon. Classes, forums, street meet- 
ings, distribution of literature, social 
activities, were the order of the day. 
Comrade I. Rab's lectures on Marx- 
ian economics and socialism became 
well known. Even widely-known 
members of rival, professedly Marx- 
ist, groups attended these classes be- 
cause of his work in clarifying Marx- 
ian socialism. Gabriel Kantrovich^ 
legal spokesman for the Massachu-' 
setts Communist Party, was reputed 
to have said, "If you want to know 
about Marxism, go to Rab's classes." 
Prominent radicals and "socialist 
leaders" attended WSP classes and 
lectures and advised others to attend 
to "learn Marxism" but ignore their 

But more important than the 
celebrities touched by the W.S.P. were, 
the numerous workers who were 
enabled to hear the case for social- 
ism. Although most of such people 
did not become party members, they 

did at least develop some understand 
ing that should remain with them 

And the street meetings! There 
was the regular Monday night affair 
at the corner of Blue Hill Ave., and 
Talbot Ave., in Dorchester; the spot 
at Columbus Square in the South 
End; and, above all, the Sunday 
afternoon session on Boston Common 
Week in and week out — weather per- 
mitting — Local Boston speakers and 
Local Boston members and support- 
ers, in general, put forth the socialist 
message from the tree near the cross- 
walk that leads to the Public Garden. 
On one historic occasion, some fifteen 
hundred people heard George Freder- 
icks, of the WSP debate a speaker 
from a right-wing group who, 
decades later, made national head- 
lines when a Massachusetts U. S. 
Senator unsuccessfully attempted to 
have him named a federal judge. 

And the Sunday night forums at 
the old headquarters at 12 Hayward 
Place! One of the most memorable 
of these forums was the occasion of 
the visit to Boston by the late 
Dutch astronomer and Marxist, Anton 
Pannekoek (author of Marxism and 
Darwinism and Anthr ovogenesis) . 
Pannekoek had come to accept an 
honorary degree from Harvard Uni- 
versity for his work in astrophysics. 
Yet instead of hobnobbing with the 
intellectuals of Harvard, he chose 
to deliver a lecture at the W.S.P. 
headquarters to a working class 
audience seeking the truth about 
society from a scientist and philos- 
opher. Pannekoek said that he was 
more at home with workers than he 
was with the professors. 

And the mass indoor meetings such 
as those (extending into the Forties) 
that the W.S.P. held at the Old South 
Meeting House on Washington Street! 
At one of these, some 600 persons 
heard R. Parker of the W.S.P. demol- 
ish the famous radical, Scott Nearmg, 
in a debate on the question: Is Rus- 
sia a Workers' State? So effectively 
was the brutal capitalist nature of 
the U.S.S.R. exposed by the W.S.P- 
speaker that the stenographer, whom 
we had engaged to take the tran- 
script with all intentions of publishing 

it as a pamphlet, allowed herself to 
« ke influenced into refusing to con- 
summate the agreement — she was, 
oD viously, a friend of the pro- 
Soviet co-organizers of the debate. 

At another debate held at Mass. 
Institute of Technology in Cambridge 
attended! by an estimated 600 students 
a nd moderated by Dean Burchard, 
#.SP. members took apart the thesis 
f the M.I.T. debating team that 
capitalism is the best of all possible 
systems. This feat was also accom- 
plished on a regular basis against 
debaters from Harvard University, 
one at least of these affairs being 
held in the Old South Meeting House, 
others at Harvard College and, oc- 
casionally, at our Party Headquarters. 
And this activity went on until the 
I late 1940's. True, a clear under- 
■ standing of our case by most of our 
audience was rare and agreement 
with our tactics and goals was also 
rare. But the real effectiveness of 
the W.S.P. must be measured by the 
degree which a socialist consciousness 
has been advanced by our work. This 
degree cannot be measured merely 
by party membership and attendance 
at meetings. Although difficult to 
measure, this influence is a real thing 
and it is here more than anywhere 
else that the W.S.P. has left its 
mark, especially in Boston. 


Since the mid-Thirties there has 
been some W.S.P. activity — now 
< dormant, now active — in Los An- 
geles and in San Francisco. Two of 
the founding members of Local Los 
Angeles have since passed on Fred 
Evans and Walter Henderson, and 
other members have grown old "in 
the service" yet still carry on to the 
best of their opportunities. 

There is some distribution of our 
journals in the area that is main- 
tained largely through the efforts of 
Jese comrades. And, over the years, 
'here have been some bursts of 
activity such as outdoor speaking at 
«ie "University by the Sea" in Long 
"each (a suburb nf Los Angeles), 
jjna the appearance on local Radio 
m TV programs of comrades from 

the Socialist Party of Great Britain. 
Members-at-large in San Francisco, 
and scattered thinly through the 
state have managed to contribute 
valuable socialist work in the form of 
articles for The Western Socialist and 
leaflet distribution. From time to 
time we have also attempted to en- 
large our activities through the ef- 
forts of a national organizer in the 
California area. It is hoped that we 
can improve our position on the West 
Coast before long. 


Throughout the country the W.S.P. 
has a number of members-at-large. 
These members, in many cases, are 
able to help in the spread of socialist 
knowledge through contacting lib- 
raries and news-stands, through 
contributing articles for The Western 
Socialist, and through their donations 
to party funds. Their membership 
is maintained through the National 
Administrative Committee. They are 
also constantly on the watch for op- 
portunities to gain new members in 
their areas in order that they might 
be able to charter a local. 

The NAC organized four organizer 
tours over the years to the Midwest 
and Eastern U.S. to assist in organ- 
izing locals. 


In September of 1939 arrangements 
were made to move National Head- 
quarters of the Party to Boston, from 
New York. Just after Canada joined 
Great Britain in declaring war on 
the Axis Powers, The Western Social- 
ist — which had been published in 
Winnipeg as the organ of the revived 
Socialist Party of Canada — was 
moved to Boston and, in compliance 
with the result of a joint referendum 
of the two parties, became the joint 
organ of the W.S.P. and the S.P.C. 

Elsewhere in this issue we will 
present evidence from our journal of 
our consistent, socialist, anti-war 
position and of the banning of our 
journal for a year in Canada dur- 
ing the war. There have been other 
highlights, however, through the 27 
(Turn to page 20) 

Page 8 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 




The Western Socialist 

Page 9 


Fifty years ago mankind was going 
through one of its bloody upheavals. 
The world was being torn to bits, 
each bit grabbed after by the rival 
gangs of the plutocracy scratching 
over the wreckage of a tortured con- 

It was not the plutocracy whose 
flesh was nibbled at and burrowed into 
by rats and maggots. To them went 
the spoils. To the workers went the 
noble work of daring and dying. 

And "back home" where there was 
no war, a greater war raged. Small 
groups, spread thinly over the land, 
hostile to this latest brutal episode 
in the life of a brutal society, from 
platform, soap box and press waged 
war against those who were waging 
war against humanity and were 
themselves hounded by those who 
would brook no wars other than then- 

Fifty years ago! The oldest rebels 
of our day can reach back in memory 
to the years surrounding 1916, to the 
free speech fights of pre-war days, 
to the anti-war and anti-conscription 
activities later, and to a lot of things 
that, even though we might frown 
upon them today, yet bring con- 
tented moisture to the eyes. 

Those were reckless days and there 
were reckless agents: The destruction 
of the Socialist hall in Winnipeg by 
the defenders of democracy, enraged 
even at the piano they threw from 
a second floor window; the court 
room scene where our comrade Sid 
Rose, asked if he were a conscien- 
tious objector replied "No, I'm a con- 
scious objector, a class conscious 
objector," then spent the rest of the 
war in jail; the awakening one 
morning of the babbitry of a small 
Alberta coal town, who had prepared 
for the visit of an important 
dignitary by spreading a streamer 
across the main street urging that 
"God Save the King," to find hor- 
rified that a word on the streamer 
had been changed overnight to 
"Damn"; the shooting of anti-con- 
scriptionist Ginger Goodwin by the 

dauntless ones who went out and got 
their man; the tearing down of the 
U. S, flag from the town hall of little 
Tanana, Alaska, and the raising f 
the Red Flag in its place, a tale that 
Charlie Lestor could have told, for 
he was there. 

Alaska was a favored haunt in those 
days for rebels who were finding 
Western Canada too hot, and some 
were known even to mush deep into 
the northern snow, trying to keep the 
spark of life glowing and trying to 
keep the flames of rebellion alive. 
But Alaska also warmed up when the 
United States went into the war and 
an old comrade told of leaving 
Juneau one midnight in a rowboat 
ahead of a raging pack — just like 
in a TV thriller! 

The Socialist Party of Canada got 
and gave its share of lumps. We 
today with a less rowdy makeup 
would squirm at some of the things 
it did and many of its members were 
driven by outraged orthodoxy to the 
woods, to the north and to the south 
where some reached Detroit and 
helped in forming the forerunner of 
the World Socialist Party. 

But there remained always a small 
and hardy group who carried on the 
theoretical work of the Party; and 
its official organ "The Western 
Clarion," forever in dutch with the 
authorities, continued to reach its 
readers. Banned, it became "The 
Emancipator"; banned again, it be- 
came "'The Red Flag"; there was 
never a time when those interested 
could not receive the journal "Pub- 
lished in the Interest of the Working 
Class Alone." 


Then came another kind of up- 
heaval — the Russian revolution. In 
March 1917 Tsarism and all its feudal 
trappings were swept away by emer- 
gent aspirants to Russia's capitalist 
future. Then in October of the same 
year they too were swept away by 
antagonists of another kind who 
thrilled and dismayed most of the 

tforld by speaking the language of 

« proletarian revolution. 

It was a period of dread and hope 
„- dread that the world working class 
revolution was approaching and hope 
that this was so. It was also the 
period that brought the near down- 
fall of independent working class 
thought and action. The initial ad- 
miration of Socialists for the bravery 
a nd determination of the Russian 
revolutionaries turned reluctantly to 
criticism then actively to hostility 
aS the Bolsheviks, flushed with suc- 
cess, sought to impose wrong and 
harmful theories and Bolshevik 
dominance on the working class 
movement, plunging it into scores of 
years of bitter and dangerous feuding 
on the pressing need for "proleta- 
rian dictatorship" and the theories 

j of social fascism, revolutionary re- 
formism, the exposure of reformists 
by supporting them, Socialism in one 
country and a host of others seen 
now in the sobering light of long- 
delayed hindsight, by many who 
lengthily hailed their vital substance, 
as so much utter claptrap. 

The war of 1914 to 1918 ended. 
Soldiers left the battlefield of France 
and entered the battlefields of 
industry, to fight their fellow work- 
I ers in one arena, as they had fought 
them in another. The "industrial 
reserve army," better known as the 
unemployed, grew as the heroes 
staggered back from one horror into 
another. The employers, victorious 

I abroad, sought victory at home, tak- 
ing advantage of the swollen ranks 
of the workers to precipitate "col- 
lective bargaining" struggles and 
destroy the effectiveness of the unions. 
These clashes culminated in the 
giant strikes of 1919 in which the 
workers demonstrated a solidarity 
and power never before known, but 
a solidarity and power more than 
watched by that of the employers, 
and the unions moved into the back- 
ground for nearly a score of years as 
an effective means of working class 
resistance to the encroachments of 

_ Thus did many who gave so much 
in one war, and who yet on occasion 

stand proudly on aging and infirm 
legs, heads uncovered, displaying 
their medals, proud of the glory and 
greatness of it all, give again in 
another war to the same parasite 

The defeat of the unions and the 
disruptive work of the Bolsheviks 
brought the workers to one of those 
stagnant periods mentioned once by 
J. H. Burrough as "halting places in 
history." The "flaming twenties" 
came and went. The SPC declined, 
"The Western Clarion" died — a 
death attributed in its final pages to 
"the doldrums," as clear a designation 
as could be given. "Reformism" 
gained some ground, even the 
"Clarion" in its latter days becoming 
watered down by its influence, one 
of the few clear voices remaining in 
its columns being that of J. A. 
McDonald who still does trojan work 
in "The Western Socialist." 

But the flames of the twenties had 
little to do with the muddled and 
militant aspirations of the workers. 
They danced the Black Bottom, mar- 
velled at the wonders of radio and 
remained oblivious to the future that 
capitalism held in store. 

That future? The hungry thirties, 
the bloody forties, the threatening 
fifties — and the fallout settling 
quietly in the sixties over all the 

J. M. 


(Continued from page 2) 
pacifist schemes, peace conference, 
etc., are unsound and unworthy the 
attention of the workers. Strict 
adherence to the Class Struggle is our 
only course. 
May, 1917 
National Executive Committee, W.S.P. 

* Limited to conclusions of WWI man- 
ifesto because of space. For complete 
manifesto, see Nov. -Dec. 1940 WS. 

Critics of Socialism 

We welcome your views in the 

columns of 

Page 10 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 


No. 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 1 



.1 .■ i 

In Retrospect — Fifty Years of Socialism 

"Sectarians!", "Spittoon philosoph- 
ers!", "Armchair theorists!" Down 
through the last half century scorn- 
ful words, ridicule, even invective, 
have been hurled at World Socialist 
Party speakers and writers by diverse 
opponents from the "Left." "You 
will never amount to anything," they 
assured us, "because socialists have 
got to participate in the day-to-day 
struggle of the workers, have got 
to identify themselves with the im- 
mediate aspirations of the oppressed 
and hungry. Otherwise it is hopeless 
to expect sympathy from the workers 
for your organization." This, in es- 
sence, has been the main criticism 
of the WSP by our radical opposition. 
The Socialist Party of America, the 
Communist Party of the U.S., the 
Socialist Workers Party together 
with the groups that splintered 
off these organizations threw them- 
selves into the day-to-day struggles 
in a mad competition to gain con- 
verts. The Socialist Labor Party 
(De Leonist), while remaining aloof 
from the struggle for reforms, con- 
tinued to advocate their "Industrial 
Republic of Labor" rather than a 
system of society based upon common 
right of access of all mankind to all 
production and services. And the 
Socialist Labor Party, despite the 
finger of "sectarian" scorn that was 
also pointed at them by social demo- 
crats and "communists," has not 
hesitated to use the same tactics when 
compelled to acknowledge our ex- 
istence. In a letter to a correspon- 
dent, Mr. Arnold Peterson — National 
Secretary of the SLP — says of us: 
"They claim, appropriately enough, 
to have their headquarters in Boston, 
the hub of the universe ! Their gran- 
diloquent title is in inverse ratio to 
their size and importance." (W. S. 
No. 4-1964). 

So there it is. We have remained 
small because we have refused to un- 
derstand (1) that a socialist organ- 
ization must take part in the day-to- 
day-struggle of the working class, or 

(2) because we have refused to ad- 
vocate a system of society based upon 
a government composed of industrial 
unions. Let us look a little more 
closely at what we might have accom- 
plished. Supposing, for example, we 
had elected in July of 1916 to work 
within the Socialist Party of America. 

In 1916, the Socialist Party of 
America was a relatively large and 
powerful organization. Although not 
by any means a threat in national 
politics they did manage to elect a 
number of mayors and represen- 
tatives on both state and national 
levels. "Socialist" personalities such 
as Upton Sinclair, Jack London, and 
millionaire Gay lord Wilshire (whose 
name is preserved in Los Angeles' 
swank Wilshire Boulevard) were not 
to be dismissed lightly. They did 
make an impact on the American 
political scene. Furthermore, the 
tally of ballots in Presidential elec- 
tions had disclosed a startling fact, 
that millions of people in America — 
if one included the not-yet franchisee! 
women "socialists" and the member- 
ship too young or otherwise un- 
qualified to vote — were now manifest- 
ing a sharp interest in what was 
commonly known as socialism. For 
in 1912, Eugene V. Debs polled a total 
of 897,011 votes in his bid for the 
Presidency on the Socialist Party 

But now begins a mystery worthy 
of a Nick Carter (a fictional sleuth 
of the period). In the Presidential 
election of 1916, A. L. Benson — the 
new nominee of the "Socialists" polled 
538,221 votes and someplace along 
the line almost 359,000 "socialists" 
had disappeared. Were they caught 
up in the great surge of support for 
Woodrow Wilson who had (as of 
then) kept the country out of the 
European War? Possibly, because by 
1920 the prodigal sons returned bring- 
ing some extra "socialists" with them 
and Eugene V. Debs, running from 

his prison to which he had been sent 
for opposition to the war, polled 
917,799 votes for President. By this 
time, the members of the recentlv- 
formed WSP might have been ex- 
cused had they elected to join the 
swelling throng, the "wave of the 
future," the mass party. But the 
WSP was stubborn, and still main- 
tamed that a socialist revolution 
required socialists first, that those who 
cast their ballots for the Socialist 
Party of America were, generally 
speaking completely unacquainted 
with socialist understanding. 

In the elections between 1928 and 
1964, the Socialist Party of America 
reached a high of 884,781, with Nor- 
man Thomas to a low of Norman 
Thomas actively campaigning for 
Lyndon B. Johnson and the mys- 
tery of America's lost "socialists" 
might now make the basis of a Perry 
Mason TV story. For despite its 
efforts in the last fifty years in the 
field of immediate demands and 
reforms, the Socialist Party of Amer- 
ica stands today a shell of its former 
numerical greatness, with scarcely 
more support than the World Social- 
ist Party and without the saving 
factor of balng able to proclaim what- 
ever support it has as socialist.* 
The fact that hundreds of thousands 
of erstwhile "socialists" appeared to 
desert their Party for avowedly 
capitalist leaders such as Franklin 
Roosevelt, Harry Truman and the un- 
successful Adlai Stevenson — not to 
mention John Kennedy and Lyndon 
Johnson — would certainly stamp 
that Party as just another advocate 
of capitalist reform. America's 

*In 1924 the Socialist Party of America 
supported Robert M. LaFolIette who ran 
on both the Progressive Party and Socialist 
Party tickets, polling nearly five million 
votes. In 1928, hack on their own, the 
S.P.A. (with Norman Thomas) received 
267,420 votes; in 1932 (Thomas), 884,781 
votes; In 1936 (Thomas), 187,720 votes; in 
1940 (Thomas), 99,557 votes; in 1944 
(Thomas), 80,518 votes; and by 1956 (with 
Darlington Hoopes the new Presidential 
candidate) a mere, 2,126 votes. (Source: 
World Almanac). 

'socialist" voters, generally, terrifie< 
that a "greater-of-two-evils" migh 
be elected, threw their support tim< 
after time to what they naiveh 
believed to be a "lesser-of-two evils.' 
And the avowedly capitalist parties 
frequently found Socialist Parts 
planks to be completely compatible 
with their own platforms and "stole' 
these "socialist" planks quite cheer- 

Had the W.S.P. merged with the 
b.P. of A. at any time in our history 
it can hardly be argued that the for- 
tunes of either Party could have im- 


But what about the Communist 
Party? While the champions of the 
Soviet Union in America never 
received more than about 103 000 
votes (1932), and usually but a small 
fraction of this total, for President 
and is all but bankrupt today — not 
alone because of U. S. Government 
persecution but also because of the 
contradictions within Soviet state- 
capitalist society — they have exerted 
some influence during their history 
m America. Could we have accom- 
plished more by "uniting," at least 
in the relatively mighty "United 
Fronts" with those "champions of 
peace and democracy"? The Com- 
munist Party did manage to fill 
Madison Square Gardens in New York 
and other large halls throughout the 
country in their various crusades. 
They were especially concerned with 
the task of actively demonstrating 
against fascism and nazism (ex- 
cepting for the period of their honey- 
moon with Hitler in 1939 and 1940) ; 
and they helped send an "Abraham 
Lincoln" Brigade to aid the Loyalists 
of Spain in their Civil War with 

Yes, it certainly might have been 
stirring to be able to participate in 
a mass demonstration, wave hammer 
and sickle red flags, gaze with awe 
at huge banners that proclaimed 
"Long Live The Class Struggle" (!) 
and that bore the "hallowed" photo- 
graphs of the great men of the Third 
International (Communist). So why 

Page 12 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 


tfo. 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 13 

didn't we jump on the bandwagon? 
Why didn't we get involved in the 
"action" of the Communist Party? 
Why didn't we leave our "Ivory 
Towers"? Could it have been that 
our ability to analyze movements and 
economic situations— in light of our 
Marxist knowledge and understand- 
ing _ stood in the way? That we 
knew that mere emotional sloganiz- 
ing, parading, and singing are not 
substitutes for socialist understand- 
ing? That the very nature of the 
"Workers' Fatherland" to which these 
marching Stalinists gave allegiance 
was the antithesis of socialism, was 
(and still is) capitalism in a par- 
ticularly vicious form — ■ dictatorship 
of one political party? 

Precisely. So the W.S.P. remained 
a "sect" and continued to spread 
socialist knowledge and understand- 
ing in its limited manner. What else 
could we have done that would have 
made sense and, again, how could a 
merging with the Communist Party 
have enhanced either organization? 
Like the Socialist Party of America, 
the Communist Party has had noth- 
ing more to offer than a continuation 
of the wages system and a frenzied 
participation in struggles such as 
that of the Negroes for "civil rights." 
The utter confusion of the Communist 
Party (U.S.A.) is no better illustrated 
than in their recently-voiced op- 
position to the candidacy of Atty- 
Gen'l Edward Brooke of Boston 
(a Negro), for the U.S. Senate. Why 
do they oppose Brooke when they 
pursue a policy of supporting Negroes, 
generally, for high political office? 
Simply because Brooke, although a 
Republican, supports President John- 
son's policy in Vietnam. Otherwise, 
presumably, the Communists would 
support Massachusetts' number one 

Despite a proclaimed resurgence 
in the wake of a recent favorable 
U. S. Supreme Court decision that 
will enable the American Communists 
to again run political candidates of 
their own, the Communist Party 
(U.S.A.) is virtually a dead issue, its 
influence now little, if any, more than 
the influence of the World Socialist 

Party and completely devoid of any- 
thing resembling socialist integrity. 


But there were other tacks we 
might have taken — other groups we 
might have merged with. A consider- 
able percentage of the Communist 
Party and of the Socialist Party f 
America became disillusioned with the 
policies — although not with the 
basic beliefs — of these organizations 
And, ultimately, in the late Thirties 
the Socialist Workers Party (Trotz- 
kyist) was born. 

But again we have the dreary his- 
tory of an organization based upon 
social reform — rather than socialist 
revolution (despite a more wide- 
spread use of bombastic phraseology 
and an enthusiastic appeal to far-out 
groups such as Black Muslims, Mal- 
colm Xers, and an assortment of 
other advocates of armed resistance). 
There is no question that the Trotz- 
kyites make a relatively loud noise 
and extract notice from the big 
capitalist press in the context of the 
fight that interests them. They agi- 
tate for "democracy" in the United 
States armed forces; for the removal 
of United States military from Guan- 
tanamo Bay, Vietnam, and just about 
everyplace else; for the "right" of 
Negro workers to be exploited by 
Negro businessmen; and a host of 
other items. They are so busy, in 
fact, fighting and crusading against 
the effects of capitalism that they 
would, not have the time — if they 
did have the inclination — to ad- 
vocate a world-wide system of pro- 
duction for use, a socialist society. 

On the other hand, they constitute, 
basically, a loyal opposition to the 
Soviet Russian regime, being highly 
critical of the Soviet leadership and 
politics but remaining constant in 
the myth of the overthrow of Russian 
capitalism by the Bolsheviks of 1917. 

To have submerged our identity 
with the Socialist Workers Party 
would certainly have had no bearing 
on the degree of socialist understand- 
ing, either within or without that 


There were still other roads we 
flight have travelled. There were 
ttie trails "blazed" by the Socialist 
Labor Party and the Industrial Work- 
ers of The World, the difference be- 
tween them largely one of emphasis 
on political action and general ef- 
fectiveness in their activity. 

Whereas the Socialist Labor Party 
lias maintained that both political 
party and "socialist" industrial union 
are requisite to sound revolutionary 
tactics, the I.W.W. has proclaimed 
itself, since 1908, as "non-political" 
and has sought the organization of a 
"revolutionary" industrial union 
alone, its members engaging in the 
politics of their choice, which they 
have certainly done ! But neither the 

j S.L.P. (which has remained relatively 
small politically and non-existent, 
throughout most of its history, in the 
industrial union phase), nor the 
I.W.W. (which was once relatively in- 
fluential in organizing workers in 
Agriculture, Lumbering, and Mining 
but which is now relegated to in- 
significance) , have been able — 
through the use of different tactics 
from those of the W.S.P. to accom- 
plish anything more than we have 
accomplished in the last fifty years 
in the effort to abolish capitalism. 
The problem remains as stated by us 
fifty years ago: how long before great 
masses of workers will awaken to the 
fact that capitalism cannot be 

* reformed in their interests? And that 
a socialist society — if it means any- 
thing — means the establishment of 
a world-wide system wherein each 
and every man, woman, and child 
will have free access to what is pro- 
duced. That the introduction of such 
a social system calls for a mass 
political organization dedicated to 
that end, alone, rather than the 
creation of different types of social 
reform parties and/or different types 
of labor unions. 

The I.W.W. was, in its heyday, a 
pretty good labor union because it 
yent about the business of organ- 
izing workers — regardless of their 
Political and social views — for what 

was to them the main task, the 
struggle for improved wages and 
working conditions. Their members 
were, of course, urged to vote "social- 
ist" but, by socialism, the I.W.W. 
meant the social reform agitation of 
the Socialist Party of America. Many 
of the foremost spokesmen of the 
Wobblies were members of the S.P.A. 
and "Big" Bill Haywood, himself, was, 
(in his own words) a "two-gun man 
from the West" by which he meant 
that he carried both I.W.W. and 
S.P.A. membership cards. Haywood 
was, in fact, a member of the national 
executive committee of the Socialist 
Party of America until 1912. 

The S.L.P., on the other hand, really 
never got off the ground with its 
variation of an industrial union 
(Workers International Industrial 
Union) and has not been able to see 
— to this date — the contradiction 
between organizing a labor union 
that can be made up of socialists 
(according to them) and the practical 
need for organizing all workers — 
regardless of political views — in a 
particular industry. The S.L.P. makes 
frequent use of the expression (in a 
derogatory fashion) "purely political 
party" against other allegedly Marx- 
ist organizations and also against 
The World Socialist Party. The main 
objection of the De Leonists to their 
opponents seems to be (despite then- 
stand against reform agitation) the 
fact that their rivals do not include 
the De Leon plan of "socialist indus- 
trial unionism," and the implication 
seems to be present that parties such 
as the S.P. of A. and the S.W.P. do 
have a concept of a socialist society 
but merely go about their tactics in 
a mistaken manner. S.L.P. like S.P.A. 
literature, in fact contains numerous 
references to the "socialist" nature 
of the Bolshevik revolution even 
though there is also a continual 
denunciation of the modern Bol- 
shevik regime. 

The World Socialist Party maintains 
that the higher phase of the class 
struggle is a political struggle and 
must be fought out on the political 
field but that the party of the work- 
ing class must be not merely political, 

Page 14 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 

4 _ 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 15 

tout composed only of socialists with 
no other object than the establish- 
ment of a society based upon the 
common right of access to all the 
wealth that is in and on the earth 
by all mankind. This is what really 
distinguishes us from all other 
professedly socialist organizations. 

Has it all been in vain, then? 
Have our efforts of fifty years been 
wasted? Despite the seeming lack of 
interest in the masses for the intro- 
duction of a new and higher type of 
social system, we feel that our strug- 
gles have certainly not been wasted. 
If only because the history of the 
last fifty years has proved our case 
conclusively; that capitalism has 

floundered through depressions, reces- 
sions, strikes, lockouts, riots and wars 
and that these evils are inherent to 
capitalism and cannot be remedied 
within capitalism; if only for this 
the fact that we are still intact and 
are still stating the socialist case 
was our first fifty years worthwhile' 
History has confirmed our position 
and has demonstrated clearly that the 
allocation of limited time and even 
more-limited resources (by socialists) 
to anything short of the struggle for 
a classless, wageless, moneyless 
society is to engage in chasing rain- 
bows and tilting at windmills. 



The participants in the interview were Dave MacNeil of WGBB and Harry Mor- 
rison of the World Socialist Party. The complete interview appears in The Western 
Socialist, No. 2-1965. It is a statement of our attitude to war, in general, as well as the 
war in Vietnam. 

Q: Perhaps tonight we should deal 
with the attitude of the World 
Socialist Party to the question of 
war, in general, and the war in South 
Vietnam, in particular. 

A: Well, war is always a timely 
topic because I don't remember a time 
in my lifetime when there wasn't 
war going on someplace in the world 
and this embraces a period of a good 
half century. Among the many 
things I've noticed about wars is the 
fact they all seem to be justified by 
all sides concerned on the basis of 
fighting for truth, honor, religion, and 
the protection of one's womanhood. 
The guilty nation or nations are al- 
ways those we are fighting against, 
and vice-versa. In other words, no 
nation seems ever to have started a 
war if we are to go by the propaganda 
of all nations. And another thing 
I've noticed is that Christians always 
seem to be fighting against Chris- 
tians; Moslems against Moslems; 
Buddhists against Buddhists and so. 
on. Furthermore, Democracies are 
frequently allied with Dictatorships 
and so-called Communist nations ally 
themselves with avowedly Capitalist 
governments to fight against other 

Communist-Capitalist alliances. It 
must be pretty confusing for those 
who believe the propaganda but who 
try to reason it through. 

Q. Yes, it does get confusing, but 
what do you have to say about the 
business of the war in Vietnam? Is 
the World Socialist Party in favor 
of having our government negotiate 
a settlement with the Communists? 
You know that there's quite a debate 
going on now on that subject and all 
political factions seem to be found 
on the different sides of the ar- 

A: That's a good question because 
we are going to be able to bring out 
our differences with all other or- 
ganizations — no matter what they 
happen to call themselves. But I'd 
like to point out, first, that there are 
two good legal reasons why America 
shouldn't be involved in the Viet- 
namese war. True, America is not 
the only breaker of the laws but trus 
question deals with America ana 
anyway, according to the general 
concept of law, the breaking of tne 
rules by one party, does not constitute 
justification for doing the same w 
another party. The Geneva Conven- 

pi of 1954 laid down rules on 
-Vietnam. It banned military help 
{r orn outside nations and it restricted 
ifitary advisers from any country 
t() a total of about 663. Almost from 
ig very beginning America had 
thousands of soldiers fighting there 
| the Government side under the 
n aine of advisers and in the past year 
^ so, particularly since early 1965, 
^erica has been calling a spade a 
spade, carrying on bombing raids 
against North Vietnamese and Lao- 
jj a n territory which were originally 
jagged "retaliatory" but which have 
■ecently been conducted without even 
(hat camouflage. But this is only one 
jart of the illegality of American par- 
ticipation on this war. The United 
States Constitution makes war the 
province of Congress. There is sup- 
* nosed to be a declaration of war by 
Congress before America can become 
involved directly in a war. So Amer- 
ican capitalism gets around this first 
I calling her soldiers, advisers, then 
I calling her action "retaliatory"; 
■md finally by dropping all pretense 
Me she drops her bombs. It is in- 
vesting to recall how shocked Amer- 
icans were when the Fascist and Nazi 
md Bolshevik dictatorships did this 
sort of thing. 

Q: So this means, then, that the 
World Socialist Party agrees with 
lose who demand that America 
should begin negotiations immedi- 
itely. And of course, as I have point- 
I out, you do have plenty of 
ximpany there with all shades of 
iitical opinion represented. 

A: Well, not exactly. Just he- 
me we call attention to the open 
iolation of the law by America 
Isn't mean we find it necessary to 
struct our capitalist rulers on 
itoper procedure. It is their law they 
ft violating. It is their \ nation, their 
istem, and their war. Sure, most 
! the lives and limbs that are being 
pare those of the working class and 
j Vietnamese peasants. But as long 
I capitalism exists there will be wars 
m the question of where they will 
* fought, when, and how, will al- 
ways be determined by the capitalist 

governments whether so-called Free 
or so-called Red. 

Q: But surely you must admit 
that there is an immediate and a 
pressing problem in South Vietnam. 
There are people being killed and the 
question seems to be whether it will 
be wiser to step -up the action — even 
against the threat of an all-out 
general nuclear war — with the object 
of improving American bargaining 
possibilities; keep on doing what we 
have been doing; or trying to nego- 
tiate right away and withdraw. How 
can you socialists feel that this is not 
a problem for you as well as for 
everybody else? 

A: Well, what would you say is 
the reason that America is involved 
in that war in the first place? 

Q: I would say that America is 
interested mainly in preventing the 
further spread of Communist control, 
that we are anxious that small coun- 
tries shall be able to live in peace 
without fear of conquest by the Com- 

A: Well, certainly the official ar- 
gument is that America seeks to 
protect South Vietnam from Com- 
munist rule, that "we" want to help 
the South Vietnamese to remain free. 
But the truth is that America is 
fighting a war with Red China, in 
particular, for control of the markets 
and sources of raw materials of 
Southeast Asia. Neither South Viet- 
nam nor North Vietnam could exist 
as "free" nations with big power, 
blocs like China, Russia, and America 
involved in a competition for world 
power. I would like to read from a 
recent article in our journal, The 
Western Socialist, on the subject of 
American foreign policy: "There is 
nothing within South Vietnam that 
is worth fighting about, but a glance 
at the map reveals its strategic value 
as a base of operations for the eastern 
trade; whoever controls it has the 
key to the entire ocean route from 
Japan and Korea down to Australia 
and New Zealand. This is a prize the 
big capitalist powers cannot afford 
to lose in their race for profits." (From 
an article entitled "Our Foreign 
Policy" in WS-No. 5, 1964.) 


Page 16 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 


No. 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Q: Do you mean that you social- 
ists don't believe that America would 
rather have free, democratic, govern- 
ments to deal with than dictator- 

A: Well certainly you have seen 
enough cooperation between America 
and all other countries, regardless of 
what they call themselves; and 
enough hostility between America and 
other nations that are supposed to 
have the same basic ideas of democ- 
racy, religion, and so forth. As for 
the cold and hot wars raging all over 
the world — it might seem an over- 
simplification to say that they are 
nothing but business wars. We can 
concede that politicians of all types 
seem able to bring themselves to be- 
lieve their own propaganda. But 
regardless of what they call one an- 
other when the missiles are flying 
they seem to get along fine when the 
situation calls for cooperation. The 
enemies of World War II are now 
mostly all friends — changed entirely 
from evil, warlike, villainous creatures 
into kindly, peaceloving, virtuous 
citizens. While some of our former 
friends have become the scoundrels. 
Yes, we claim that war, under capital- 
ism, is essentially the carrying on of 
trade at an explosive pitch. 

Q: But let's get back to South 
Vietnam. You say that the World 
Socialists Party just doesn't feel it 
should enter the debate as to whether 
or not America should begin nego- 
tiations for peace. But you must 
have some sort of policy. Just what 
do you advocate, anyway, specifically 
on the situation in South Vietnam? 

A: Well, let's look at it from this 
angle. Let us take the relatively 
short period of history since the end 
of World War II. Do you have any 
idea how many crises there have been 
since then? Crises that everybody 
felt needed immediate action? Even 
those who call themselves socialists 
and communists, for the most part, 
were too busy being involved in the 
immediate crises to talk about social- 
ism. What they don't yet realize is 
that these eruptions are part of 
capitalism and will continue to flare 
as long as capitalism exists. Not even 

the United Nations can cope with the 
problem because as long as we have 
national sovereignties we will have 
wars. We say then that the solution, 
is to get rid of capitalism — the 
market economy — the wages, profits 
prices, money system. We have 
nothing specific to advocate f or 
South Vietnam, or The Congo, or 
Cuba, or any other trouble spot. We 
are too busy advocating socialism and 
when enough people like ourselves 
are busy spreading socialist infor- 
mation the days of capitalist crises 
and capitalism, itself, will be num- 

Q: So what you are saying, then, 
is that you are not at all interested 
in whether America stays or gets out 
of South Vietnam. Is that what I 
understand you to say? 

A: Let me put it this way. What 
difference can it conceivably make 
to the prospects for world peace if 
America does pull out of South Viet- 
nam, or if she stays there? Isn't it 
plain that whichever step she takes, 
she will have to continue the tug-of- 
war with China and Russia in that 
area and in the other areas of com- 
petition? Did you ever try to plug 
a hole in a leaky roof? You know, 
if you did, that the water is going 
to come out someplace else and it 
may even come out a little later from, 
the very place you plugged. That's 
capitalism and the World Socialist 
Party has but one demand — that 
we get a brand new roof before too 
many of us get drowned. 

Q: Well this sounds fine, but do 
you imply that until the World Social- 
ist Party converts the majority of 
the population to socialism that 
nothing can be done that is worth- 
while? Don't you think that is al- 
most an impossibility? 

A: Well fortunately we have more 
than our own insignificant numbers 
to rely on. The capitalist system is 
running into so many difficulties of 
all types from unemployment, to 
strikes, to industrial sickness and 
accidents, to warfare, to poverty in 
the midst of abundance, that the 
chances are good for a general 

awakening before too many years 

L nave passed. 

Q: Do you really see any tangible 
evidence of such an awakening at 
this time? 

A: Perhaps not. But you know 
that in 1857, for example, the Su- 
preme Court of the United States 
ruled that a chattel slave — even a 
runaway slave who had established 
residence on free soil — was still the 
property of his original master and 
must be returned to him. How many 
people, do you suppose would have 
believed in 1857 that abolition of 
chattel slavery was a scant few years 
away? Not many, I'll bet. That's 
why we don't get discouraged at the 
widespread apathy. As students of 
history we know that changes did 
take place — changes that did estab- 

r lish entirely new modes of production 
as legal and normal and natural. 
And these changes resulted in every 
instance after Jong years and gener- 
ations of apparent failure to make 
change. As Karl Marx once put it: 
Years may go by without the seeming 
progress of a single day. On the 
other hand there are days in which 
are crystallized the progress of 
generations. We contend that the 
working class everywhere will move 
eventually, and that once they do 
they will move fast— toward abolition 
of wage-slavery and the introduction 
of socialism. 

Page 17 



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The Censors' Reply 

Ottawa, Canada, June 14th 1941 
Dear Sir: 

We have your letter of June 8th inquir- 
ing as to the reasons for the banning of 
The Western Socialist from Canada. 

Action against this publication was recom- 
mended by us only after close examination 
for many months, during which objection- 
able material appeared on several occasions. 
Decision to recommend action was 
finally made after the publication of an 
article in which such statements such as 
these occurred: "The worker has no interest 
in maintaining war production." "Patriotism 
serves merely as a cloak for loyalty to 
capitalism, for sacrifice of the workers so 
that industry may have its profits; it can 
bring only harm to the working class," 
"It (the war) is simply the competition of 
two rival business firms, so to speak for 

This sort of thing, we think you will 
agree is not likely to be helpful to our 
national war effort. We must emphasize 
that our action was not taken against this 
publication because it was socialist, evidence 
of which is the continued publication in 
Canada or free admittance to Canada of a 
number of well known socialist and labor 
publications which are honestly critical of 
the present order of things, both political 
and economic. However, statements which 
are deliberately intended to sabotage morale 
cannot be tolerated, as you will under- 

The fact that any publication is banned 
at a given time does not necessarily mean 
that it will remain banned for the duration 
of the war. If after a period of time its 
publishers were so disposed, they might 
seek a review of its case especially in the 
light of issues published since the occasion 
of the ban order. 

Sincerely yours, 
Press Censors for Canada 

* * * 

The Canadian Government obviously feels 
that it must take pains to prevent allegedly 


Page 18 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 


No. 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Pagre IS 

treacherous or heretical ideas from reaching 
its population. The governmental letter 
concerning the banning of The Western 
Socialist calls its contents "objectionable." 
EFFORT," they write to us. 

How very true! Could the Socialist mes- 
sage be transmitted to and understood by 
the workers of all belligerent countries, 
the capitalists, in their war efforts, would 
have to struggle against the awakened social 
consciousness, the stimulated thinking of 
the people of the entire world. 

Canada, like so many "democratic" 
countries, refuses to allow its workers to 
hear all sides of the argument. These 
workers are continuously filled with war- 
mongering propaganda. The serum of 
capitalist distortion is constantly injected 
into the workers' minds to innoculate them 
against any ideas which may be harmful 
to the national war effort. 

Can it be that the Canadian Government 
is afraid to trust the working class to 
think and judge for itself? Or does it fear 
that its workers once given the oppor- 
tunity may really understand what it is 
all about, with disastrous results to the 
capitalist structure? 

"... statements which are deliberately in- 
tended to sabotage morale cannot be 
tolerated," the governmental letter con- 
tinues. Socialists condemn sabotage as a 
dangerous and detrimental policy since the 
working class emancipation can only be 
attained as the result of the democratic 
act of the overwhelming majority. More- 
over, they do not favor enemy capitalists 
as against native ones — • they support 
neither. The object of Socialist education 
is to build the working class morale 
throughout the entire world — for the 
inevitable Socialist victory. 

The Canadian Government especially 
objects to our statement: "The worker has 
no interest in maintaining war production." 
Why indeed, is it to the worker's interest? 
Is it to his interest to produce instruments 
of death to be used in the slaughter of his 
fellow workers? Obviously not. 

Just what is the object of this war 
production? Even prominent adminis- 
trative officials of the "democratic" coun- 
tries . admit that this war is, as the last 

war was, a trade war, a war for market 
and profits. 

Unfortunately, some workers are forced 
to be interested in war production as it 
may offer them a job and a means of 
livelihood — for the time being, at least 
until the war industries shut down. 

The letter continues: "We must em- 
phasize that, our action was not taken 
against this publication because it was 
socialist, evidence of which is the continued 
publication in Canada or the free admit- 
tance into Canada, of a number of well- 
known socialist and labor publications 
which are honestly (the italics are ours) 
critical of the present order of things." 
Evidently then, these publications are in 
harmony with the national war effort and 
therefore neither truly socialist, nor in the 
interest of labor. 

As a conclusion, the letter suggests that 
we mend our ways and stop putting "bad" 
ideas into the heads of innocent workers. 
Then the Canadian Government will forgive 
our past sins. It will allow our paper into 
the country again. 

Somehow we remain untouched by such 
benevolence. The whole approach it typical 
of the capitalist technique. It tries to 
coerce Socialist education into submission, 
or at least into compromise. 

Not with defiance, but with the per- 
sistance and patience which comes from 
knowing that Socialism is historically cor- 
rect and some day will be accepted as such, 
we reply: Rather than emasculate The 
Western Socialist into a fear-watered, 
anemic, irresolute publication, where only 
that appears which is sanctioned by the 
capitalist censors, we would suspend 
publication altogether. When The. Western 
Socialist can no longer present a Socialist 
message it will cease publication, for its 
reason for existence will have vanished. 
In the meantime, we will continue to publish 
honestly and scientifically those ideas which 
we feel must be contrasted with the 
prevailing capitalist ideas in order that the 
workers may arrive at an understanding 
of the society in which they live. 
Reprinted from The Western Socialist, 
July-August, 1941 

it You are invited to attend the 
Annua! Conference of W. S. P. 
Sept.- 3,- 4, 5 at 295 Huntington 
Ave. (Rm. 212), Boston, Mass. 

Workers Socialist Party Manifesto 


A considerable number of the 
governments of the world have aligned 
themselves in the holocaust of war 
The United States Congress, through 
recently enacted measures, has pre- 
pared plans to conscript many of the 
industries of the country with their 
workers. The owners of these indus- 
trial plants will continue to receive 
adequate profits, of course. Arrange- 
ments have also been completed by 
Congress for the conscripting of 
workers into the army and for the 
instituting of such dictatorial meas- 
ures as war situations may make 
necessary. From the experience of 
y the World War, we may expect the 
press, radio, schools and clergy to tell 
us to defend "our homes" and "liber- 


Modern wars are fought, not for 
noble ideals, but for markets, raw 
materials and for strategic military 
or naval objectives which can be of 
future advantage to the material 
aggrandizement of a country's ruling 
class. These are the principal causes 
which can, and may, involve the 
United States of America, as well as 
other countries now neutral, in this 

This conflict of interest between 
capitalists in different countries is 
1 of no concern to the average member 
of the working class. It greatly con- 
cerns important sections of the cap- 
italist class in these warring coun- 
tries. For them it means their ex- 
pansion or contraction as exploiters 
in the world's economy, depending on 
whether their particular government 
is victorious in the war; but for the 
workers war means only fields of 
wooden crosses and shattered lives. 


When the armed American worker 
faces the "enemies" of the ideals for 
Which he is persuaded to die, these 
"enemies" turn out to be none other 
than workers like himself. They, too, 

are told they must fight to save an 
ideal or for a truth that must be 
preserved. Under Capitalism these 
workers are not allowed to live to- 
gether in peace but must slaughter 
each other in wars as a result of their 
being conscripted and forced to fight 
in the armies and navies of the 
various countries. 


Whether retaining the old or hav- 
ing a new "alien" master ushered in, 
YOU are still wage-slaves. The Class 
Struggle still rages. This Class Strug- 
gle between the workers and their 
REAL enemies, the capitalist class, 
continues unabated, manifesting itself 
in strikes, lock-outs, unemployment, 
dependent old age and poverty. No 
war has ever freed the worker from 
his worry of how to eke out a living 
or stopped his robbery by the capital- 
ist class. After all the wars that 
have been fought for "liberty," "free- 
dom" and "democracy," the great 
tolling mass of humanity is exploited 
as never before. The liberty YOU 
fought to preserve proves to be the 
LIBERTY TO STARVE in the midst 
of plenty. 


It is unquestionably true that 
democratic institutions, in the hands 
of a Socialist majority, would serve 
as a lever of emancipation. The very 
needs of capitalist society fostered 
the advances in such democratic 
"rights" as exist today. However, for 
YOU, American Democracy means 
regimented education, degrading 
charities and economic slavery. With 
the present confusion among the 
workers the Capitalist Class has a 
better opportunity to restrict civil 
liberties; and in the midst of wars 
to "defend democracy," much of the 
limited democracy now existing is 

Page 20 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 — 


tfo. 4 — 1966 

The Western Socialist 

Page 21 


Fellow Worker, there are NO 
solutions to our problems within this 
jungle system of capitalism. National 
boundaries have been destroyed eco- 
nomically. The world is becoming 
more and more of a closely knit, 
interrelated unit. Highly developed 
machinery and modern science has 
made the production of wealth a 
socialized process demanding social 
cooperation. Wars over wealth are 
only necessary under Capitalism. 
Abundance is now possible for all. 

Only Socialism can be adapted to 
the needs of modern society. Social- 
ism, i.e., the common ownership and 
democratic control of the means of 
living by and in the interest of all 
society is the solution of our prob- 

When the workers, who are the 
great majority of the population, 
realize that the only thing worth 
fighting for is Socialism, they will 
organize for this object. 



Boston, Mass., October 16, 1939. 

National Administrative Committee 


(Continued from page 7) 
years of its publication in Boston. 
For example, the correspondence and 
controversy with George Bernard 
Shaw during the W.W.II. years and 
the polemical exchange with Professor 
Pitirim Sorokin of Harvard in 1963- 
1964. The Western Socialist has be- 
come firmly established in a number 
of universities and other institutions 
as a voice of genuine socialism, and 
we have supplied many of these in- 
stitutions with large samplings of our 
other literature. 


At the end of the Forties and the 
decade of Fifties a period of decline 
hit the W.S.P. This naturally raises 
the question of why it is that when 

objectively the technological con- 
ditions are riper for socialism, than 
ever before, the subjective conditions 
— the understanding of socialism ~~. 
seem to be less ripe. A complete 
analysis of this question is beyond 
the scope of this history, but some 
consideration is appropriate. 

The extremely complex nature of 
the development of men's ideas in 
society makes a thorough-going an- 
swer difficult. However, it is clear 
that World War II, Stalinism, the 
Cold War, the prosperity and con- 
formism of the post-war period are 
important factors. 

World War II pushed aside class 
issues in the popular mind and 
replaced them with goals that pur- 
ported to unite workers and capital- 
ists. On a deeper level, the excite- 
ment and camaradie of the war were 
a welcome relief from the drab and 
dour struggle for existence of "peace 
time" capitalism. Employment of 
some sort was found for "everyone." 
Imaginations were captured by the 
glories of war and the U. S. itself 
escaped any actual experience of war 
horrors. At any rate, the changed 
atmosphere made workers less recep- 
tive to socialist ideas. 

The prosperity in the U.S. was 
connected with international devel- 
opments. It is no accident that the 
Cold War and the arms race accom- 
panied the prosperity. The U. S. 
emerged from the war as the fore- 
most world power, the inheritor of 
the crumbling empires of the older 
nations. Its main obstacle to world 
economic dominance was the U.S.S.R., 
hence the struggle between the rival 
empires. The power struggle was 
decked out in modern versions of the 
age-old garb of righteousness so as 
to make it acceptable to workers. 
The horrors and crimes of Stalinists 
masquerading under the banner of 
"socialism" and "communism" were 
cited as justification for U. S. policy. 
The Stalinists, of course, played the 
same game — with the roles re- 

In the U. S. the scramble for con- 
sumer goods and status jobs made 
workers more willing to accept values 

a nd institutions originating with the 
^ capitalist class. Even those who did 
not hold a white collar salary job 
could dream of one — if not for 
themselves, then for their children. 
Hence the image, carefully nurtured 
by the capitalist communications 
media, of the smiling white collar 
workers as "the average American" 
became dominant. The white collar 
strata of the working class were en- 
couraged to think of themselves as 
the majority element in society, they 
were taught to picture themselves 
as "businessmen," as members of the 
"middle class." The smug compla- 
cency of the small scale capitalist 
became transmitted to sections of the 
working class enjoying the loot of 
the U.S. worldwide empire taken 
from the colonial peoples. The age 
I of the "organization man," the "silent 
generation" in grey flannel suits was 
upon us. 

Capitalist values of acceptance of 
capitalism as the benevolent bringer 
of jobs and consumer gadgets (rather 
than satisfying meaningful work in 
a sane society) became superficially 
held by many workers. The insecu- 
rity of depression times, the sacrifices 
of the war created a desire for en- 
joyment of the new wealth and an 
apathy toward politics. The national- 
ism of the war was continued as a 
permanent fixture of American life 
by creating a permanent war econ- 
omy. An enemy was consequently 
secured to justify this and the enemy 
* was painted in the worst colors by 
the "head fixing" industries — the 
press, schools, churches, etc. Defense 
of capitalism became part of the 
American way of life because the 
"communist" enemy spread his in- 
sidious evil supposedly by social 
criticism of capitalism. As pre- 
viously mentioned, the contradictions 
of backward Stalinist state capitalism 
provided a straw man for apologists 
of American capitalism. 

Dissenters who voiced social criti- 
cism were suspected of indirectly 
assisting the enemy, that is, they 
Were all but guilty of treason. 
Threats of social ostracism, loss of 
jobs and government persecution 

silenced most critics who had any 
large audience. 

These factors really explain the 
decline of the Party and not our 
small resources, the limitations of our 
talents, or the personalities of our 
members. With this atmosphere in 
which the tiny W.S.P. struggled in 
mind, we return to a chronicle of the 
events in the Party itself. In 1947, 
some internal controversy broke out 
in the Party. Members, frustrated 
with the external world, turned their 
spleen on one another. This left bit- 
terness and hard feelings and resulted 
in a number of droppings from the 
rolls and resignations. In addition, 
the lack of visible progress dis- 
couraged many. The year 1947 
also saw the name of the party 
changed from the Workers' Socialist 
Party to the World Socialist Party to 
emphasize our conception of social- 
ism as a worldwide system of society 
and to avoid confusion with the 
Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. 

In an effort to better use our 
resources by maintaining a better 
balance nationally in the Party, the 
headquarters was transferred from 
Boston to Detroit in 1949-1950. For 
several years the headquarters re- 
mained in Detroit until the mid 50's 
when it was returned to Boston. 
While in Detroit, the N.A.C. dropped 
more discouraged members who had 
losti interest from the Party rolls. 
Those who remained, however, were 
determined to persevere in their ef- 
forts because of their belief that 
socialist activity was the most worth- 
while activity they could engage in. 
They had the real satisfaction that 
comes with keeping alive an idea that 
will later come of age. 


Future generations may look back 
in admiration to those few who 
plugged on in spreading knowledge 
of a decent society in the midst of a 
sick society that did not want to hear 
about it. The dedication, sacrifice, 
and courage of these socialists — 
especially in the lean Fifties when 
the very word "socialist" meant 
"Bolshevik" to so many — and the 

Page 22 

The Western Socialist 

No. 4 


McCarthy Committee stalked, the land 
— should not go completely un- 
recognized, and unmentioned. And 
yet how does one go about distinguish- 
ing between the efforts of those who 
have the ability to express them- 
selves and those who, lacking this 
ability, still plug on doing the es- 
sential work of a socialist organ- 
ization? The routine jobs of getting 
out a journal and getting it into the 
mail; the task of maintaining a 
headquarters with all of the chores 
this entails; the dedicated attendance 
at meetings and the distribution of 
Party literature; the donation of 
funds from (generally) meagre earn- 
ings; the donation of homes for 
money-raising social events and just 
plain social events; the cheerful hos- 
pitality given visiting comrades; the 
risks to one's very livelihood; all of 
these things should be recognized. 
Yet to mention all of the party 
members and close friends who come 
under these categories is all but im- 
possible and so we must, reluctantly, 
refrain from singling out anybody 
for personal recognition. Each and 
everyone of us will recognize if the 
shoe fits — and will wear it gladly 
if it does. 

The bland Eisenhower years came 
to a close. The Party survived, al- 
though severely reduced in numbers, 
and this is still an accomplishment 
of sorts. The decade of the Sixties 
has seen a slow uphill climb with a 
number of young and enthusiastic 
members and with something en- 
tirely new added to potential Party 
strength. For the first time in our 
history we have been able — on a 
number of occasions — through the 
medium of mass-audience radio in- 
terview programs in Boston to get 
out the case for socialism and the 
W.S.P. to hundreds of thousands 
of people in the New England area. 
Local Boston has also maintained a 
radio program on a smaller station 
on a regular basis for the last few 
years. There is more hope now than 
for many years for expansion. Local 
Boston, in particular, and members 
throughout the country, in general, 

are bending all efforts toward- this 

The new generation has fewer of 
the fears of their elders. They are 
more impatient with sham and the 
attempts to excuse the inexcusable. 
The ferment among youth is caused 
by the inability of even a prosperous 
capitalist society to build a world 
worthy of human beings. It is 
caused by capitalism's inability to 
explain its contradictions rationally. 
The result is that youth is starting 
to question the bases of society. 
Adults are catching the spirit from 
the youth. The W.S.P. has a part to 
play in this process. We can help the 
workers of today build a better world 
by giving them an understanding of 
the one they live in. The W.S.P. has 
begun this task in a modest way. it 
is to the future that our hopes remain 
fixed since, unfortunately, after a 
half century of effort, the Party is 
still insignificant in size and in in- 
fluence, still without the strength 
needed to run candidates for political 
office. Yet despite this sad fact, the 
effort has not been wasted. 

We can be proud that amidst the 
decline of capitalism and amidst the 
inability of the old values and in- 
stitutions to function satisfactorily, 
we have kept burning the vision of a 
new society. Amidst the multitude 
of illusory solutions to social prob- 
lems, amidst the multitude of phony 
"socialist" and "communist" con- 
fusions, we have preserved the Marx- 
ian heritage for humanity. With our 
Companion Parties in other lands we 
will continue to carry on. 



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The establishment of a system of society based upon the common 
ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for 
producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of society 
as a whole. 


The Companion Parties of Socialism hold: 

| __That society as at present constituted Is based upon the ownership of the means 

of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, 

and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth 

Is produced. 

2 # __That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself 

as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce, and those who 
produce but do not possess. 
3_ ___That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working 

class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the com- 
mon property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their demo- 
cratic control by the whole people. 
4 _That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to 

achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the 
emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex. 
55 ^ That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself. 
ft That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, 

exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken 
from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically for the 
conquest of the powers of government, in order that this machinery, including these 
forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipa- 
tion and overthrow of plutocratic privilege. 

7 That as political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the 
interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interest of all 

sections of the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be 
hostile to every other party. 

8 THE COMPANION PARTIES OP SOCIALISM, therefore, enter the field of political 
action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged 

Qabor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon all members of the working class of these 
countries to support these principles to the end that a termination may be brought 
to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may 
give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom. 
Those agreeing with the above principles and desiring enrollment in. the Party should 
apply for Application for Membership from the se&y of nearest local or the Nat'l Hdqtrs. 

These six parties adhere to the same Socialist Principles : 
SOCIALIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA — P. O. Box 1440, Melbourne, Australia; 

Sydney, Australia, Box 2291, GPO. 
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA — P. O. Box 115, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. 
SOCIALIST PARTY OF GREAT BRITAIN — 52 Clapham High St., London SW. 4. 
SOCIALIST PARTY OF NEW ZEALAND — P. O. Box 62, Petone, New Zealand; 

P. O. Box 1929, Auckland, New Zealand. 
WORLD SOCIALIST PARTY OF IRELAND— 53 High St., Rm. 5, Belfast 1, N. Ireland 
WORLD SOCIALIST PARTY OF U. S.— 295 Huntington Ave., Boston, Mass. 02115. 

No. 5-1966 
Vol. 33— No. 253 










The current "War on Poverty" is dedicated to 
maintaining the very class-divided society that gives 
'ise to poverty, in the first place.